Israel explained
Aleph-Tav is part of a movement of Jews and Christians who believe that understanding and supporting Israel are not merely matters of intellectual interest, but constitute a moral duty. At a time when Israel is being lied about in the media, attacked at universities, and subjected to pressure from governments worldwide, it is more important than ever to know the truth, to be able to articulate it, and to stand up for it.
Since the media report little that is positive—and indeed deliberately omit positive stories from their coverage—it is clear that the world lacks sufficient information to assess the legal aspects, let alone grasp the spiritual background found in the Bible. The material we present here consists of seven YouTube videos featuring Rabbi Pesah Wolicki, a Torah teacher. He was trained for this role and dedicated the first two decades of his career to it—teaching in schools, studying Jewish texts, and building a life around study and the transmission of knowledge. I grew up in Ohio, studied in Israel, received my rabbinic ordination from the Chief Rabbinate of Jerusalem, and ran a school for many years. I loved it. The content focuses on current events, geopolitics, and the history and capabilities of Israel—subjects that can only be truly understood from the inside through a lifetime of experience.
The videos are in English, and we also have provided English text narrative. We hope this gives you a better understanding of the reality that the world refuses to accept.
1 COMPLETE VERSION Parts 1 to 7
This is a comprehensive overview of the seven videos that present the background and reality—contrasting with what the rest of the world seems not to realize.
1: The end of America’s Control – Israel secret Rise to Superpower
2: Exposed : Turkey’s real Intention towards Israel
3: Turkey’s Worst Nightmare: Israel Forges Historic 3-Nation Alliance
4: Israel’s power move that changes everything.
5: Trump’s Peace Plan Exposed: Israel’s ultimate Betrayal?
6: Breaking : The end of American Leverage over Israel
7: Israel’s Economy Explodes To #1 In The World!
Since the original sin, the world has been plagued by wars in which religions lie at the root of the conflicts. Politics, in any form, leads to division and strife, ultimately resulting in the dominance of the powerful. Politics disregards the Word of God, and the devil exploits this to lead the world straight to its doom. The power of money is the root of all evil.
Israel has a covenant with God, and He alone will separate the chaff from the wheat. Certain peoples—specifically the Amalekites and the Philistines (who call themselves Palestinians today)—have played a significant role in Israel's history, and God commanded Israel to utterly exterminate them. However, humanitarian decisions run diametrically counter to what God has deemed just. In our study (7NL), "The Unlimited Power of God’s Word," the history of both peoples is clearly brought to light. Thus, it is clearly a lack of historical knowledge that has led many—under the banner of their religion—into extremism.
Video # 1 : THE END OF AMERICA’s CONTROL – ISRAEL SECRET RISE TO SUPERPOWER Part1
We are told that Israel is isolated, diplomatically constrained, and that it survives only because the United States protects and enables it. We hear that Israel is under pressure, that its alliances are crumbling, and that it can only act with Washington’s permission—and only in ways Washington approves of.
But here is the truth—a truth that most analysts, journalists, and policymakers have yet to grasp. Israel is not isolated. Israel is not constrained in its actions, nor is it merely acting in self-defense anymore. Israel is setting the rules of the game in the region—across the entire Middle East. It is doing so quietly and deliberately, and on multiple fronts simultaneously. In short: Israel is emerging as a regional power. And that is what this video series is about. If you have been following this channel for a while, you will have heard many of the topics discussed before; but we are going to bring it all together and demonstrate that Israel’s position in this region has changed drastically.
To understand what is going on, we must first clear up a major misconception. A regional power is not defined by the size of its population. South Korea, for example, is one of the most densely populated countries in the world, yet it is not a major power. Nor is it determined by territorial size; there are very large countries that are not major powers within their regions. And a major power is certainly not defined by rhetoric or diplomacy on the global stage. How, then, do we define a major power? It is important to establish our definitions clearly at the outset.
I would argue that a regional great power is characterized by initiative and influence—or, in a word: by the power it wields. Can a state shape events beyond its own borders, rather than merely reacting to threats or crises as they arise? Can it deny rival actors freedom of movement? Can it enforce "red lines," regardless of the preferences of other global powers? Can it forge and cement alliances that survive changes of government in the region and endure through crises and wars? These are the questions that truly define a great power. And by those standards, Israel has crossed a threshold. For decades, Israel was strong but primarily reactive to events. It always possessed the necessary capabilities but was constrained by diplomatic shackles imposed upon it.
Its military excellence operated within a framework largely shaped and controlled by American policy. But that framework is changing. It is changing during this war—and quite rapidly, too. The clearest sign of Israel’s new status is found not in a speech or statement, but in its actions. Let us take Syria as a primary example. Israel does not wait for threats to fully materialize. It does not wait for diplomatic consensus. It has launched numerous preemptive airstrikes to counter military buildups. We all remember how, following the fall of the Assad regime, Israel intervened and neutralized a large part of the Syrian army to prevent it from falling into the hands of jihadists. Israel seized territory necessary for its own defense. And it even entered Syria when necessary to protect minorities under attack. All of this took place without diplomatic backing and without the permission of the United States or anyone else. Israel did not do this out of recklessness, but because it refuses to allow hostile situations to become entrenched. It therefore takes the initiative.
Let us now turn to Gaza. Israel has rejected foreign security arrangements that could potentially restrict its future freedom of movement. This occurred during negotiations regarding the final arrangements for the area. We see Israel drawing red lines; even when such arrangements are presented as internationally agreed-upon solutions, Israel establishes and adheres to red lines in a manner we have not previously seen. Let us look more broadly at Israel’s defence posture, beyond Gaza and Syria. Israel has increasingly insisted on controlling its own defence production, logistics, supply chains, and strategic infrastructure and regional alliances. It does this to prevent being pressured or delayed at critical moments. We all recall the events during the early stages of the war in Gaza, when the Biden administration withheld crucial equipment in an effort to influence Israel’s strategic decision-making.
Israel is thus becoming more independent, ensuring it cannot be pressured or delayed at critical moments. Furthermore, Israel strictly maintains and safeguards its air superiority across the entire region. While it may not constantly make headlines, Israel controls the airspace over much of the Middle East. This is not the behavior of a dependent state; it is the behavior of a state that takes responsibility for shaping its own environment. Let us now look at how other countries are responding. That is another crucial aspect of being a major power: do you exert influence over other countries, and how do they react to you? Consider Greece and Germany, both of which have spent billions of dollars on Israeli defense systems in recent months. Or Egypt, which has concluded a massive energy deal to purchase Israeli natural gas for years to come. These countries are not aligning with Israel based on sentiment or shared values. They are not doing so because of history or ideology. They are aligning with Israel because the country is evolving into a center of power. It possesses the resources and power they need. Israel has become a state around which other countries structure their own security, energy supplies, and strategic planning. A country like Germany does not simply integrate another nation's missile defence systems. Greece does not casually
overhaul its entire defense strategy and architecture. A country like Egypt does not sign a long-term energy agreement—spanning decades—unless it anticipates stability and long-term strategic influence. These are alliances based on interests. That is a sign of genuine, enduring power. Nowhere is this shift more evident than in Israel's recent diplomatic moves.
In late December, Israel became the first country in the world to formally recognize Somaliland as an independent state. We produced a video about this; you may have seen it on this channel. This was neither a symbolic nor an impulsive move. Somaliland is a pro-Western, moderate Islamic state surrounded by jihadist extremists. It is situated on the Gulf of Aden, at the gateway to the Red Sea—one of the world's most strategically important maritime shipping lanes. Approximately one-third of global shipping passes through this route. Energy supplies flow through it. Military access to the Red Sea depends on it. Yet, for decades, Israel would never have taken such a step—an independent diplomatic move in which it became the first nation in the world to recognize another. They certainly would not have done so without coordinating with the United States or without the U.S. taking the lead. But this time, Israel acted on its own initiative. Israel shaped the strategic landscape along a crucial corridor without seeking permission and without participating in a broader diplomatic process. That is the kind of initiative that would have been unthinkable for Israel in the past. Standing opposite Israel’s transformation into a regional power is a rival that is, unfortunately, still misunderstood by much of the West: Turkey.
Turkey is not Israel’s most dangerous enemy in a strictly kinetic-military sense, but it is its most influential strategic adversary. Why is that? Because Turkey is actively attempting to shape the regional order itself. Erdogan harbours ambitions to restore the Ottoman-Islamic Caliphate. The country embraces the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood and maintains proxies throughout the Middle East. One of them recently seized power in Syria. And, of course, Turkey is a NATO member with international institutional influence. Moreover, unlike Iran, Turkey is not viewed internationally as a pariah state. It operates within Western frameworks while simultaneously systematically undermining them. This combination makes Turkey uniquely dangerous for Israel. To understand Israel’s future trajectory, one must understand why it is Turkey—and not Iran, Russia, or China—that is emerging as Israel’s primary regional rival. And that is what this series will focus on going forward.
Before we move on, I want to share something important with you. We discuss politics on this channel, but we all know we are in a spiritual battle. Prayer is one of the most powerful tools we have for spiritual warfare. Yet, most of us have never learned how to do it properly. We don't always know how to grow in our prayer lives. But it doesn't have to be that way. I’ve created a free video course that takes you through key biblical lessons on prayer: the faith of Abraham, how broken people pray, and what to do when God says 'no.' Click the link in the description below. Sign up now. It’s free. It’s exclusive. And it will change the way you pray. Why is all of this so often misunderstood? Well, I think it’s because it doesn't fit the traditional model—the model we’re used to regarding our geopolitical view of Israel. Israel remains linked to the United States.
It is undeniably a close ally of the United States. Israel still coordinates closely with Washington; we see this in the many meetings between Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Trump. But Israel no longer acts like a protected vassal state. That relationship is changing. Israel now acts as a regional power that consults with America rather than deferring to it. And that distinction matters. Israel doesn't ask for permission to act—whether it’s recognizing Somaliland or taking action in Syria. Israel determines for itself what reality is allowed to exist along its borders and within its region.
As Israel emerges as a regional power, the real question is not whether the world approves or even acknowledges it. That is precisely part of the crux of the matter. The real question is who feels threatened by this. And the answer is not always what you have been told. In the next episode, we examine the clash between two vastly different models of power—those of the regional powers Israel
and Turkey—and how that rivalry is shaping the future of the Middle East. This is what we need to focus on as we look ahead to what the Middle East will look like in the coming years, because Turkey understands something that much of the West still fails to grasp: Israel is a regional power.
Video # 2 : Exposed: Turkey’s Real Intentions Towards Israel Part2
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When people speak of Israel's enemies, they usually point to Iran. For many years, Iran has been Israel's primary adversary. And Iran is, of course, dangerous. It funds terrorism, arms proxies, and openly calls for Israel's destruction. Over the decades, Iran has built a 'ring of fire' around Israel: in the north (Lebanon and Iraq), in the south (the Houthis in Yemen), through support for Hamas and the Gaza Strip, and via numerous other activities in the region. Yet, in the long run, Iran is not Israel's most significant strategic rival—especially given the current chaos within Iran caused by the protests.
At the time of this recording, those protests are intensifying. The regime has not yet fallen. But Iran is not the primary long-term rival. As I mentioned in the previous video, that role belongs to Turkey. Turkey does not pose the greatest threat to Israel in terms of an immediate, existential military danger; there is no fear of an open war between Israel and Turkey in the short term. The threat lies in Turkey's attempt to reshape the regional order in the Middle East in line with its own ideology. Unlike Iran, Turkey does this from within Western institutions, under the cover of NATO membership and with the acquiescence—or rather, the tacit acceptance or approval—of Western policymakers who still view Turkey as a country that is fundamentally on our side.
To understand Israel’s rise to regional power status, one must grasp why Turkey—and not Iran—is Israel’s primary adversary. After all, Israel and Turkey represent two fundamentally different ways of projecting power in the Middle East. Let us begin with Turkey. Turkey is expansionist and ideologically driven. The country seeks influence by embedding itself physically, politically, militarily, and religiously within other societies in the region. It deploys troops—such as in Somalia, Libya, and elsewhere—and builds up military forces through proxies. It establishes a presence via advisors, intelligence services, and religious institutions. Turkey does not merely seek influence in a diplomatic sense; it desires a lasting presence and control. And it makes no secret of this ambition. Turkish officials, from President Erdoğan down to lower-ranking figures, speak openly about restoring the Ottoman Empire—the Sunni-Islamic caliphate that ruled this region for centuries. President Erdoğan consistently presents Turkey as the natural leader of the Muslim world, and the country provides a haven for the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Muslim Brotherhood is, of course, the parent organization and ideological engine behind Hamas and other Islamist movements in the region, including Al-Qaeda and ISIS. These ideas regarding the restoration of the Islamic caliphate and the Ottoman Empire are not empty rhetoric; they genuinely drive Turkish policy in numerous ways. Consider northern Syria, for example: Turkey did not merely intervene briefly before withdrawing; it established permanent zones there under the control of the Turkish military. In Syria, Turkey trains and arms militant groups that subscribe to the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood—groups linked to ISIS and Al-Qaeda.
Wherever it intervenes, Turkey controls territory and asserts a long-term political role. Consider Libya as well: during the Libyan civil war, Turkey intervened directly by deploying drones, naval assets, and its own personnel. Its goal was not to stabilize the country but to play a pivotal role in reshaping the balance of power; it intervened specifically to influence the course of the civil war. Turkey maintains a military presence in Libya to this day, despite calls from the United Nations, the United States, and the majority of the international community to withdraw; yet, it remains there. Turkey also arms and trains the radical Islamist regime in Somalia and maintains bases there. It is worth noting that Open Doors International ranks Somalia as the second most dangerous place in the world for Christians. It is one of the most anti-Western states globally.
Let us now return to the Eastern Mediterranean, where Israel is located. Turkey is challenging Greece and Cyprus. There, they are openly pressing for their own far-reaching maritime claims in the Mediterranean. They are disregarding international law. For decades, Turkey has illegally occupied approximately 37% of Cyprus. This is illegal—a fact often downplayed in Western reporting on Turkey. As for Israel: Turkey wants to deploy its own troops to Gaza. They wish to be part of the international stabilization force proposed in President Trump’s 20-point plan. They are the only country apparently keen on stationing troops there. The reason for this is clear—and should be obvious based on everything I have just described: Turkey wants to gain a foothold with its own troops on Israel’s southern border. What makes this particularly dangerous is that Turkey carries out all these actions—everything I have just described—while remaining a NATO member. They take advantage of Western restraint and caution regarding the alliance. There is a desire to prevent Turkey from falling into Russia's hands. Yet, there is also a great deal of Western wishful thinking.
Western leaders like to view Turkey as moderate and pro-Western, but that is simply not the case. Muslim Brotherhood ideology lies at the heart of Turkey’s strategy. That ideology rejects secular nationalism. It seeks to bring down the West. It champions political Islam and supports jihadist movements across the Middle East—and indeed, throughout the world. That is why Hamas leaders are welcomed and given sanctuary in Turkey. That is why Erdoğan praises Hamas as freedom fighters. That is why Turkey supports Islamist factions in Syria, including figures with direct ties to ISIS and Al-Qaeda. Turkey does not view these groups as a problem. They are not seen as extremists or terrorists; Turkey regards them as valuable instruments and proxies. This places Turkey in fundamental conflict with Israel and, increasingly, with Western interests—even though most of the West fails to realize this. Let us compare Turkey’s actions in the Middle East with the way Israel exercises power.
Israel does not seek to govern other countries or societies. It exports no ideology and creates no vassal states. Instead, Israel’s exercise of power focuses on three things: maintaining its freedom of movement, an intelligence edge, and technological dominance. Turkey actively deploys its armed forces in other regions. As I noted earlier, Israel actually prevents hostile actors from positioning their forces along Israeli borders or in undesirable locations. Thus, while Turkey relies on proxies, Israel builds alliances and partnerships based on shared regional interests. We will delve deeper into many of these alliances in later parts of this video series. While Turkey lays claim to ideological leadership, Israel shapes the security architecture. Consequently, Israel’s power is less visible, yet far more impactful and enduring. Israel deprives its rivals of the ability to constrain its actions. It neutralizes threats before they can escalate into major problems—as we have seen in Syria—and anchors partnerships in capabilities and strategic defense goals rather than ideology.
That is why Israel prioritizes air superiority. Control of the airspace allows Israel to compensate for its small size, lack of strategic depth, and highly hostile environment. Were Israel to lose that air dominance, it would be forced back into a reactive, defensive posture and limited to merely managing threats. But by maintaining control of the airspace, Israel can shape the battlefield without needing to occupy territory. Why, then, do so many in the West still misunderstand Turkey? Why do they fail to see that a power
struggle is underway in the Middle East between Israel and Turkey? This is because Turkey benefits from outdated assumptions. As I have already hinted, a large part of the West still views Turkey as a moderate Islamic democracy, as a sometimes difficult but necessary and important ally, and as a state that must be reckoned with to prevent it from drifting toward Russia or China. This is the reasoning that has led Washington D.C.—and to a large extent the Trump administration and much of Europe—to tolerate behavior from Turkey that they would not accept from any other party. Consider what I have just described: the illegal occupation of other sovereign states, support for militant Islamist groups, the systematic undermining of regional stability, and the persecution of Christian minorities. Israel harbors none of these illusions about Turkey. From Jerusalem’s perspective, Turkey is not a stabilizing force. It is a power that exploits chaos to entrench itself and expand its influence.
Let us compare the Turkish threat to Israel with the Iranian threat. Iran is generally considered Israel's greatest enemy. Iran openly threatens Israel; they proclaim it and speak of it constantly. This naturally provokes open opposition. Turkey, by contrast, threatens Israel indirectly, cloaked in the Western diplomatic legitimacy of an 'honest broker' and intermediary. Iran builds missiles to threaten Israel and openly admits to doing so, whereas Turkey focuses on building influence. Iran operates through proxies—such as overt terrorist groups like the Houthis and Hamas—that can serve as targets. Turkey, on the other hand, embeds itself institutionally, politically, and ideologically, while providing financial and diplomatic support to malevolent actors. This makes Turkey harder to counter and, in the long run, more dangerous. Israel understands this fully; consequently, its recent moves in the Eastern Mediterranean, Syria, Gaza, and beyond are not isolated reactions. They are all part of a coherent strategy to prevent Turkey from making strategic gains and creating irreversible facts on the ground.
Turkey seeks to shape a Middle East rooted in Islamist influence. Israel counters this by forging alliances, controlling the airspace, and making itself indispensable to the regional security of other states. In the next episode, we will examine where this rivalry manifests on the map. We will zoom in on the Eastern Mediterranean and the alliances Israel has built, looking at how the country has positioned itself as the focal point—the security anchor—for the entire region. For if you look closely, the map tells the story.
Video # 3 : Turkey’s Worst Nightmare: Israel Forges Historic 3-Nation Alliance Part3
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In December—just a month ago—the leaders of Israel, Greece, and Cyprus met in Jerusalem for the tenth trilateral summit between the three nations. At first glance, it appeared to be a summit like many others: a meeting of world leaders, a joint statement, photo opportunities, and a press conference. In reality, however, this summit marked something entirely new for the region. It was no longer merely a matter of cooperation—after all, these countries had already been cooperating for years. According to the joint statement issued by the three leaders at the conclusion of the meeting, the event marked the announcement of a comprehensive strategic alliance that goes far beyond the bilateral relations that existed prior to the summit. As outlined in that statement, the alliance now encompasses cooperation in the fields of defense, security, energy, infrastructure, mutual business investment, and regional stability.
All these issues were explicitly mentioned in the document; it covered a wide range of shared strategic interests.
It is also important to note that the summit took place in Israel. Prime Minister Netanyahu stood between the other two heads of state. Israel was clearly positioned as the leading partner in this Eastern Mediterranean alliance. Israel has emerged as a security anchor around which the other nations rally. If you want to understand Israel’s rise as a regional power—which is the subject of this video series—you should not look at speeches, but at the map. The Eastern Mediterranean serves as a hub connecting Europe with the Middle East. It encompasses energy routes, shipping lanes, and, of course, strategic security access points. It borders NATO and EU member states, but also the unstable and chaotic Middle East. The Eastern Mediterranean is a vitally important region, situated right between Israel and Turkey. As we discussed in the previous video, Turkey has since become Israel’s primary rival in the region. For Greece and Cyprus, Turkey represents not merely a theoretical challenge—a neighbor that happens to be powerful—but a daily strategic threat. It is a constant topic of discussion.
Turkey is involved in various maritime disputes with Greece and Cyprus, challenges their sovereignty, and engages in aggressive activities in the air and at sea in the region. As I mentioned in the previous video, Turkey has been illegally occupying approximately 37% of Cyprus for some fifty years. Consequently, the Greeks and Cypriots live under constant pressure from Turkey. This issue was openly discussed during the summit: all three nations view Turkey as an emerging threat. As I explained in the previous video in this series, Israel regards Turkey as its primary rival in the Middle East; Turkey is expanding its influence in Syria, embracing Islamist movements, and asserting its dominance across the region.
For Greece, Israel, and Cyprus, this alliance is therefore of crucial importance. This cooperation is now formally known as the '3+1' framework. What does this entail? The 'three' are Israel, Greece, and Cyprus, while the United States constitutes the 'plus one'. This signifies a strategic partnership between these three nations—acting as a single bloc—and the United States. The 3+1 arrangement is not merely symbolic; it represents a structural shift in how the regional order is shaped. Historically, Israel was an object of US policy, functioning more or less as an extension of Washington. The Americans protected and armed Israel but often also curbed the country's actions. Israeli policy had to be linked to, or aligned with, US policy to a certain extent.
Within the 3+1 framework, however, Israel is not treated as an American protectorate or an extension of the US. Israel is the leading partner in a tripartite regional alliance. In this capacity, Israel acts as a co-architect of regional security. Within this trio, Israel contributes its military technology, deep intelligence capabilities, air superiority, and missile defense systems—systems that rank among the most advanced in the world. Greece and Cyprus contribute their highly strategic geographic locations. Furthermore, they provide a link and a corridor to Europe, as well as political weight within the EU. The 'plus one'—the United States—bolsters deterrence by standing behind the arrangement as a power factor and keeping malign regional actors in check. Yet, the United States no longer needs to micromanage the Middle East. From Washington’s perspective, this is a far more efficient model. If America seeks to reduce foreign involvement and entanglements—a stated goal of US policy in this 'America First' era—then having a reliable regional ally is the best conceivable scenario. And Israel is that ally. From Israel’s perspective, this new arrangement differs significantly from the past. Israel no longer merely benefits from American power; it provides security and manages security structures upon which others in the region depend.
This is what a regional power looks like. Moreover, this '3+1' cooperation has gained strategic importance due to the emergence of the economic corridor linking India, the Middle East, and Europe, known as the IMC. If you are unfamiliar with it, it is well worth looking into; it is a highly significant initiative. The IMC is a US-led initiative designed to connect India to Europe and the Mediterranean via the Gulf region—
specifically the UAE—and Israel. It serves as both an alternative to and a challenge against China’s 'Belt and Road' initiative, which aims to establish a trade route to Europe. For the IMC corridor plan to succeed, its western anchor point must be secure, stable, and defensible; that anchor point is Israel. Consequently, the IMC corridor is a crucial piece of the puzzle for understanding the dynamics of the relationship between Israel, Greece, and Cyprus—as well as the '3+1' cooperation with the United States. Taking a broader view, the US seeks to establish an alternative trade route from the Far East to Europe that bypasses China’s allies—an objective that largely drives the '3+1' cooperation. In this framework, Israel serves as the gateway to the Eastern Mediterranean, while Greece and Cyprus—partly by virtue of their EU membership—provide access to and a connection with Europe. Together, they form a route across the Eastern Mediterranean that bypasses strategic chokepoints under Turkish control and limits Turkey's dominance over maritime traffic. This also constrains Turkey's ability to leverage its geographical location as a tool of pressure—precisely the reason why Turkey constantly attempts to counter these moves and assert control over the Eastern Mediterranean.
But if we look at the big picture—and I want to keep this simple, as it could otherwise seem a bit confusing—there is an alliance between Israel, Greece, and Cyprus; from a security perspective, their stated goal is to counter the growing threat posed by Turkey. Yet there is also a significant economic component: they form the Eastern Mediterranean link in the United States' plan to establish a corridor stretching all the way from India to Europe. That covers the economic aspect, but the ultimate aim is to bypass hostile actors and destabilizing forces in the Middle East. Nothing illustrates Israel’s transformation into a regional power more clearly than its arms industry—or "defense procurement," as it is formally known. After all, when nations buy weapons, they are not merely acquiring hardware or equipment; they are also forging long-term alliances.
Modern military technologies are not just hardware; they are deeply intertwined with intelligence and strategic planning. I mention this because of the recent purchase of Israeli defense systems by Greece and Germany. Other countries are doing the same, but the major recent acquisitions have come from Greece and Germany. Greece recently purchased $4 billion worth of Israeli air defense and artillery systems. This means Greece is aligning its defense capabilities with Israeli systems. Germany’s decision to acquire the Israeli Arrow missile defense system stems from the same line of reasoning and is, in fact, even more significant than the Greek purchase. For one thing, it involves a larger order: a deal worth
$6.5 billion. It is the largest defense export deal in Israel's history. But what this truly means in the grand scheme of things—strategically and geopolitically—is that Israeli technology is now embedded in the core of a major European power's air defense architecture. After all, once systems are integrated, they shape the nature of the relationship for the long term.
When it comes to modern military technology, you never just buy hardware; you become part of a system. Consequently, the country producing the system becomes involved in intelligence gathering at a certain level, and the entire defense arrangement evolves into a partnership. When you put it all together—the trilateral summit, the 3+1 framework, the IMC corridor, Israeli defense exports, and the energy infrastructure Israel is developing in the Eastern Mediterranean—the picture becomes increasingly clear. Israel is no longer merely an ally of the United States and Western powers; it is evolving into a security hub in the Eastern Mediterranean. This partly explains Israel's decision to recognize Somaliland: Somaliland is situated on the Gulf of Aden, at the entrance to the Red Sea, and thus commands maritime routes that are crucial for global trade and future trade corridors. Indeed, Somaliland’s location—near the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, opposite Yemen—lies along the route ships take to reach the Eastern Mediterranean via the Suez Canal. Thus, when Israel recognized Somaliland during the same week it concluded a trilateral agreement with Greece and Cyprus, the two events were closely intertwined. Both were driven by Israel’s aim to secure control over the shipping and trade routes leading from the east to the Eastern Mediterranean. And as I mentioned in the previous video, Somalia—Somaliland’s
neighbor and adversary, which lays claim to the territory—maintains close ties with Turkey. All of this is part of the same strategic logic.
The summit between Israel, Greece, and Cyprus was no ordinary meeting. It was a sign that the region is undergoing restructuring and that Israel lies at the heart of that process. In the next episode, we shift our focus from summits and trade routes to 'red lines' and the maintenance of security in the Middle East. After all, nowhere is Israel's new status more evident than in Syria and in its absolute refusal to relinquish control over Middle Eastern airspace. So, stay tuned for part four of the series.
Video # 4 : Israel’s power move that changes everything Part4
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On June 27 of last year—two days after the conclusion of the twelve-day war between Israel and Iran—Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz tweeted the following: "I have ordered the IDF to draft an enforcement plan against Iran. This plan entails maintaining Israel's air superiority, preventing nuclear advancement and missile production, and responding to Iran regarding its support for terrorist activities against the State of Israel. We will remain steadfast in our commitment to thwarting such threats. I advise the head of the toothless snake in Tehran to understand this and tread carefully. Operation Amalvi—'Rising Lion'—was merely a preview of a new Israeli policy. After October 7, the era of immunity is over." Subsequently, on September 9—just a few months later—Israel carried out airstrikes in Syria. Open-source reports from Lebanon and Syria confirmed that these strikes targeted attempts to restore Syrian air defenses; this was reported by Lebanese researcher and journalist Sausana. Israeli sources officially confirmed that the Israeli military was responsible for the strikes carried out overnight against locations in Syria. The attacks targeted installations linked to the Syrian army's air defense systems, in an effort to prevent them from being made operational again. According to the information, the strikes targeted modern Turkish military equipment supplied to the Syrian government, as well as the Russian Pantsir air defense system, which was located in a maintenance hangar.
I mention these incidents from June and September because in this video—part four of our seven-part series on Israel as a regional power—we will examine Israel’s air superiority and its consequences. In the Middle East, control of the airspace equates to power in its purest form. And nowhere is Israel’s rise as a regional power more evident than in Syria, where Israel refuses to compromise on one fundamental point: no foreign power may restrict its freedom of movement in the air. Not Iran, not Syria, not Russia, and now not Turkey either. To many outsiders, Syria seems like a side issue. It is a torn nation with fragmented governance, ethnic tensions, foreign troops everywhere, heavy external interference, and endless instability.
But for Israel, Syria is not a peripheral matter; it is of critical importance. Syria lies at the intersection of the most serious threats facing Israel. For years, Iranian arms shipments destined for Lebanon and Iraq have passed through Syria. There are various jihadist groups. And now, Turkish-backed forces are seeking to establish a permanent presence there. And, of course, there is the dominant force within the current regime... Consequently, whoever controls Syrian airspace holds the key to managing the
escalation of these threats. Controlling the airspace allows you to prevent threats from developing—as seen in these Israeli strikes on air defense systems. If you lose control of the airspace and are forced to act reactively, you are compelled to respond only after the danger has already materialized. Israel understands this better than anyone.
That is why Israel has been continuously active in Syria for years: it strikes weapons convoys from Iran, as well as command centers, weapons production facilities, infrastructure, and—of course—air defense systems, before they can pose an operational threat. This is not about retaliation for attacks; that is not the reason Israel carries out airstrikes. Strikes in Syria are intended to strip potential enemies of their capabilities. Israel has never accepted the notion that Syrian sovereignty—whether real or perceived—limits its right to act. No Syrian government has ever recognized Israel as a legitimate state. There is absolutely no reason for Israel to recognize a border with a country that does not even acknowledge Israel's own right to exist. Ever since the founding of the State of Israel, Syrian territory has been used as a staging ground for attacks against Israel. Moreover, Syria has repeatedly allowed hostile foreign powers onto Israel's border. Calls for Israel to respect Syria's territorial integrity are not merely naive; as I pointed out in a recent video about Syria, such calls are strategically and historically absurd.
You see, Israel's doctrine is very simple. If a threat emerges in Syria, Israel will take action, regardless of who claims sovereignty over a given area. This doctrine has been consistently applied: against Iranian targets, against Hezbollah, against Syrian air defenses, and—when necessary—even against Russian attempts to curtail Israeli operations. What has changed recently is not Israel's doctrine regarding Syria, but rather the party currently attempting to shape Syria—and the party Israel is now dealing with. Before October 7, Iran was the primary power controlling Syria and keeping the Assad regime afloat. Now that Iran is weakened and the Assad regime is gone... Turkey is the key player. That is why Turkey sought to restore Syria's air defenses. Air defense is about far more than mere defense; it is an instrument of control. Whoever deploys effective air defenses asserts the right to deny others access to the airspace. In other words, in modern warfare, control of the airspace is a form of sovereignty. Had Turkey succeeded in establishing credible air defense capabilities in Syria and denying Israel control of the airspace, the consequences would have been profound.
Consider the twelve-day war with Iran: when Israel held total air superiority over the region, Israeli fighter jets used Syrian and Iraqi airspace as a corridor to reach Iran. Turkish air defense systems in Syria threatened to put an end to that dominance. That is why, in September, Israeli aircraft bombed and destroyed those installations before they could become operational. This is what regional powers do: they prevent strategic realities and threats from taking shape, rather than adapting to them later. It is important to be precise here. Israel’s actions in Syria were not driven by hostility toward Turkey; that has nothing to do with it. Israel simply enforces these red lines against any actor operating in Syria. Whether it is Iran, Russia, or anyone else operating there, Israel ensures that resistance is mounted. The rule is absolute: no external party may deny Israel access to the airspace near its borders. What makes the Turkish case different is not the action Israel took, but the party against whom it was taken. Turkey is a NATO member. It is a major military power. It is a state that operates under the Western umbrella and assumptions of legitimacy. By enforcing this red line regardless, Israel sent a clear message. Alliance structures do not matter; you can be a NATO member, you can be viewed as a pro-Western state, and your relationship with the United States can be close—yet none of that supersedes Israel’s security doctrine and needs. That message was heard not only in Turkey but likely in Washington as well. To understand why Israel regards airspace as non-negotiable, we must be honest: without air superiority, Israel’s entire security concept collapses. Air superiority—particularly for Israel—compensates for the country's small size and lack of strategic depth. It enables early warning, rapid response, more effective intelligence gathering, precision strikes, and escalation control. It allows Israel to fight on multiple fronts without occupying territory or suffering massive casualties. Losing control of the airspace leaves you vulnerable. Maintaining
that control—which Israel intends to do and has done—allows you to keep the situation under control. That is why Israel intervened early and decisively against these Turkish air defense systems. Had it allowed them to be installed, developed, matured, and fully integrated, Israel would have accepted a future in which its decisions were influenced by the radar imagery of others.
Israel’s projection of power in Syria is not solely about airstrikes, neutralizing air defenses, and keeping the airspace open. It also encompasses engagement with minority communities. Israel has assisted the Druze and the Kurds by protecting and arming them. The country also quietly cooperates with other non-Islamic minorities threatened by the new order in Syria. The aid Israel provides to minorities is often misunderstood as a purely humanitarian gesture—which is certainly admirable, but it is not just that. It is also strategic. By supporting minorities in Syria, Israel prevents any single Islamic group from monopolizing the border region. This creates buffer zones. It makes the consolidation of a hostile regime more difficult. And, of course, this approach stands in stark contrast to Turkey’s objectives. Turkey seeks to consolidate a Sunni Islamic regime stretching from Syria to Somalia. As we have discussed here previously, Turkey promotes members of the Muslim Brotherhood as instruments to extend its own influence. Israel prefers a more pluralistic Middle East—particularly along its borders—and therefore protects non-Islamic minorities. Once again, this is not merely a matter of ideology or humanitarian concerns; it is also a security imperative for Israel. As for the United States, it has adopted a cautious stance regarding a post-Assad Syria. Washington desires stability at the lowest possible cost. It wishes to avoid direct confrontation with Turkey, preferring to view the country as a manageable and useful ally, even when it causes problems. Israel takes a far more pragmatic view; it sees something very different in Turkey. From Jerusalem’s perspective, Turkey is not a stabilizing factor; rather, it is a force driving escalation and posing a problem. Turkey seeks to emerge as a new regional power and to shape the theater of conflict in a way that constrains Israel and forces it onto the defensive. Consequently, when Turkey deployed those air defense systems—instead of merely issuing statements or pursuing diplomatic avenues—Israel intervened. That choice reflects Israel’s new, evolving status and the way the country views itself. Israel no longer waits for diplomatic consensus before protecting its core interests; it responds to the capabilities of its adversaries, not their intentions.
And Israel is enforcing its 'red lines' clearly and decisively. This is the behavior of a regional power. Syria is no mere sideshow; rather, it is proof of Israel's new position of power in the region. By enforcing this red line regarding airspace, Israel demonstrated three things simultaneously. First, it naturally maintains undisputed dominance over the airspace of the entire region. Second, it does not allow rival powers to upset the balance of power near its borders. And finally, Israel is prepared to act unilaterally to preserve that balance. These are not the actions of a state on the defensive; these are the actions of a regional power. In the next episode, we shift our focus from the air to the ground and from Syria to the Gaza Strip, for events there illustrate how Israel applies the same principle in a different context: that security is not outsourced and that Israel maintains non-negotiable red lines.
Video # 5 : Trump’s Peace Plan Exposed: Israel’s ultimate Betrayel? Part 5,
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In recent days, President Trump has announced the creation of what he calls the 'Board of Peace.' The aim is to provide direction for the next phase of the post-war process in Gaza. But take a close look at who sits on this Board of Peace: Qatar, Turkey, and a group of so-called technocratic Palestinian figures—many of whom are former Palestinian Authority officials. In short: actors who are either openly hostile toward Israel, ideologically aligned with Islamist movements, or deeply corrupt—and often a combination of all three. This announcement regarding the Board of Peace is viewed as the opening move of the second phase of Trump’s twenty-point plan for the Gaza Strip. Many analysts and commentators immediately interpreted this as an attempt to exclude Israel from the plans, or to corner and constrain it.
Here in Israel, reactions to the Board of Peace are mixed. Many view it as yet another attempt at a peace process in the vein of the Oslo Accords: a process where we entrust our security to international guarantees and allow foreign troops—a scenario strongly reminiscent of the situation in Lebanon. I will return to that point shortly. Furthermore, there are promises from international bodies and other governments intended to guarantee our security. Yet, as we know from the Oslo era and similar situations, those promises crumble the moment they clash with the harsh reality of the Middle East.
Many commentators argue that this undermines Israel's position. As mentioned, they view it as a repetition of past mistakes, yet they overlook the core of what is actually happening. In this video—the fifth in the series on Israel as an emerging regional power—we demonstrate that Israel's stance on Gaza's future reflects its new status as a regional power. Haven't seen the other videos in the series yet? Be sure to watch the rest of the series in the 'superpower' playlist. For Israel, Gaza is not a diplomatic experiment or a playground for fantasies and ideas regarding nation-building, peacekeeping, or moderating Islamists. For Israel, Gaza is simply a frontline for national defense. Consequently, there is really only one question about Gaza that truly matters to Israel. There are other questions, of course, but the most important one for Israel is: who controls security? Or, to put it more bluntly: who holds the weapons? Not who distributes aid, not who leads reconstruction, not who manages government services once a technocratic administration is formed, and certainly not who ensures international legitimacy. It all comes down to security. That is what matters to Israelis. That is what matters to the Israeli government.
And on this point, Israel's position is clear and unequivocal. Israel will not accept any post-war arrangement for Gaza that restricts its freedom of action regarding national security. It is that simple. Israel will not accept an arrangement where security depends on foreign governments—whether friendly or hostile. We have seen this before. The Oslo process promised various security guarantees. International forces promised stability. Foreign governments said they would intervene. And time and again, Israel paid the price when those guarantees went up in smoke. That lesson has certainly been learned by now: Israel will no longer outsource its security. That brings us to a point that is still avoided in many international discussions: the disarmament of Hamas. Here we see President Trump, who spoke just yesterday at the World Economic Forum in Davos. Take a look. I think... I think we have peace in the Middle East..
There are some... er... minor issues, such as Hamas, but Hamas has agreed to lay down its arms. Well, they were simply born with a weapon in hand. So, it’s not simple. They were born with a rifle in hand. It isn't easy for them, but that is what they agreed to. They have to do it. And we will know in the next two or three days—and certainly in the next three weeks—whether they are going to do it or not. If they don't, they will be wiped out very quickly. They will be wiped out. Since the announcement of the twenty-point plan for Gaza, we’ve heard the same thing from President Trump: Hamas will be disarmed, or else they will pay the price. They will be stunned, as he puts it here. But that’s where the problem lies. There is no plan to make this happen. Let’s look back for a moment. If you follow this channel, you’ve heard this before. Shortly after the twenty-point plan was announced, President Trump told Maria Bartiromo of Fox—when asked who would disarm Hamas—that perhaps America would do it, or perhaps the Israelis. But when Secretary of State Rubio was in Israel a few weeks later, Israeli reporters asked him if Israel would be the one to intervene and disarm Hamas, and he said: "No, no, no, no, no. It can't be Israel, because that would mean the end of the ceasefire." Then Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff appeared on 60 Minutes; when asked who would disarm Hamas, they replied that this would be the task of the International Stabilization Force. But subsequently, King Abdullah stated on the BBC that it absolutely could not be the International Stabilization Force. The twenty-point plan does not provide for the International Stabilization Force to disarm Hamas. Now that phase two of the plan has been announced, the White House reports that Major General Jasper Jeffers has been appointed commander of the International Stabilization Force. He will—and I quote—"lead security operations, support comprehensive demilitarization, and facilitate the safe delivery of humanitarian aid and reconstruction materials." End quote. Yet, once again, there is no indication whatsoever as to who will actually confiscate Hamas's weapons; he is to support demilitarization—whatever that may mean. And when President Trump said yesterday that Hamas would be "wiped out" if they did not disarm—what did he mean by that? Is Israel going to do it? Is the ceasefire over?
Despite all the discussions regarding reconstruction, a technocratic civilian administration, and whatever else "Phase 2" entails, Israel’s red line remains unchanged: the complete disarmament and dismantling of Hamas. Not symbolically, not cosmetically, and not merely for show. There is zero chance that Israel will withdraw its troops from Gaza—including the zone near the "yellow line"—until this has occurred. Any expectation—whether from Washington, Qatar, or Turkey—that Israel will settle for a charade in which Hamas pretends to disarm, rebrands its fighters, or conceals weapons while international actors declare the mission a success, is completely detached from reality. After all, Israel has no interest in a performance of compliance. It seeks concrete results, and the result Israel demands is very simple: Hamas must no longer exist as an armed force in any capacity.
That is why the refusal to allow Turkish military personnel or security forces into Gaza is an absolute red line for Israel. Turkey is an open ally of Hamas. The country provides a safe haven for Hamas leaders. Turkish dictator Erdogan praises Hamas’s "freedom fighters." Turkey has no intention of playing a short-term peacekeeping role; instead, it seeks a permanent presence on Israel’s southern border. Period. Across the region, one observes that when Turkish troops or advisors arrive in response to a conflict, they do not leave. They remain on the ground, supporting jihadist Islamist movements and attempting to exert influence over all centers of power. We have seen this pattern repeatedly in northern Syria, where Turkish troops have entrenched themselves rather than withdrawing. In Libya, Turkey’s intervention in the civil war altered the political landscape, and they remain there still; they refused to leave. In Cyprus, Turkey has been illegally occupying more than a third of the island for decades. In short: allowing Turkey into Gaza would mean bringing a strategic rival right to Israel’s southern border—a rival allied with Muslim Brotherhood Islamists and intent on ensuring that Gaza remains hostile to Israel’s security in the long term. That is what Turkey wants. And Israel will not allow that process to be set in motion. Proponents of foreign involvement in Gaza often argue that international or multinational forces can provide impartial security guarantees. Look at all the countries participating in peacekeeping missions; isn't it wonderful? With all those powerful governments involved, surely it must succeed. Israel’s experience, however, suggests otherwise. Look at southern Lebanon, where the international force UNIFIL was tasked with preventing rearmament but failed to do so. Rearmament and military buildup took place right under their noses. And in Gaza, international oversight and large-scale foreign investment—following the Israeli withdrawal in 2005—failed to prevent Hamas from seizing power, smuggling in vast quantities of weapons, and constructing an enormous military infrastructure and tunnel network. At the time, Israel withdrew from the border between Egypt and Gaza—the so-called "Philadelphi Corridor"—based on the promise that the Egyptians would curb illegal arms smuggling into Gaza. Israel has learned that lesson and has no desire to have to learn it all over again.
Security arrangements that rely on external parties are doomed to fail from the start. It is true that Israel agreed to the Trump plan, and that this plan provides for an international stabilization force. So, we evidently consented to that. However, the plan describes that force as—I quote—"a long-term solution for internal security." In other words—and this is clearly set out in section 15 and again in section 19 of the plan—the international stabilization force has nothing to do with protecting Israel against threats from Gaza. It concerns internal security, because Israel would never allow such a thing. Israel would never have agreed to such a plan. We have already had that experience; one October 7th is more than enough.
The logic behind Israel’s approach to Gaza mirrors the logic applied to Syria. We discussed Syria in the previous video of this series. In Syria, Israel refused...
Red lines must be enforced before they are irrevocably crossed. That is strategic power. Israel’s stance on Gaza reflects a deeper shift in its position of power. In the past, Israel often accepted flawed arrangements to secure short-term calm or alleviate international diplomatic pressure; it made concessions. Today, however, Israel makes different calculations. Bolstered by its military dominance, regional partnerships, and growing economic independence—themes covered in this series—Israel can afford to insist on outcomes that ensure long-term security, without caving under pressure. This demonstrates self-confidence. It is not an ideological issue, but an expression of independence and power. While Israel will certainly coordinate, consult, and cooperate, it will not outsource its security based on international guarantees. So, when there is talk of a peace council, plans for a second phase, technocratic governance in Gaza, or reconstruction, bear Israel’s perspective in mind: none of that is decisive. Not Qatar, not Turkey, not international frameworks, nor even a reformed Palestinian Authority with a new image. The only question that matters—the same question posed at the beginning of this episode—is who controls security. And Israel’s answer to that question is irrevocable: Hamas will be dismantled, its weapons removed, and its military capabilities destroyed. Until that happens, the IDF will not withdraw—neither from the 'yellow line' nor from Gaza. After all, a regional power does not confuse processes with results. Do people want to rebuild Gaza or attempt to achieve peace? Go right ahead; we all want peace. But the days when Israel relied on a process to provide security while threats remained intact are behind us.
True power is not the ability to say 'yes', but the ability to say 'no'—and truly mean it. In the final episode of this series, we examine the economic side of Israel’s rise to regional power status: energy independence, arms exports, and reduced reliance on US foreign aid—in short, the factors underpinning Israel’s enduring power for the future.
Video # 6 : Breaking : The end of American Leverage over Israel. Part 6
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What is it that actually makes a state a great power? That is the question we will explore in this sixth and penultimate installment of the series on Israel as an emerging great power. Is it winning wars? Is that what turns a country into a great power? Not necessarily. Many states can fight, many can launch attacks, and many can survive a security crisis. But the difference between a state that wins battles and one that actually shapes the strategic landscape is something else entirely; it comes down to the question of
sustainability. Does that power extend beyond battlefield victories? Can the country withstand diplomatic pressure? Is it resilient against it? Can it afford to say 'no'? Can it act without the permission of other states? Do other states try to align their interests with that country? Is the power sustainable?
And this is precisely where Israel’s transformation becomes undeniable, for today Israel is no longer merely building power to survive the next conflict. It is building power that endures. And that is a profound shift. For decades, a major criticism leveled at Israel—including by Israelis themselves—was that the country thought in terms of short-term defensive tactics and lacked a broader strategic plan. Yet that is precisely what is changing. For decades, Israel’s power was viewed as limited in very specific ways. Israel was seen as strong and capable, yet also dependent and restricted in its freedom of action: militarily superior to its enemies, but reliant on American support, American supplies, and, of course, American diplomatic backing. That perception shaped how allies interacted with Israel, how adversaries calculated their diplomatic and military moves vis-à-vis Israel, and certainly how Washington exerted influence over the Jewish state; US military aid—approximately $3.8 billion annually under the current memorandum of understanding—was a crucial factor in this regard.
In the event of disagreements, deliveries of key equipment could be delayed, conditions imposed, and pressure applied with tangible consequences. We saw this at the start of the war, shortly after October 7, when the Biden administration withheld certain critical shipments; the aim was to influence Israel’s tactics and its decision on whether or not to invade Rafah. You may recall that all of this stemmed from Israel’s heavy reliance on the United States. Israel often had to factor this reality into its strategic decision-making, but that era is coming to an end; we will examine the various ways in which this is happening. The first pillar of Israel’s new, more sustainable position of strength is energy. Israel’s vast natural gas reserves—largely discovered in 2009 and 2010—are finally beginning to pay real dividends and have quietly transformed the country’s regional standing. Just last December, Israel approved its largest-ever natural gas export deal with Egypt. It is valued at an estimated $35 billion over the life of the contract. And no, this is not merely an economic transaction. If we fully grasp the impact, we see that it is a strategic matter: pipelines and processing facilities create dependencies and shared interests, and they shape long-term behavior—in both the diplomatic and security spheres. When a country relies on your energy—as Egypt will now rely on Israeli energy—it has a vested interest in maintaining stability, avoiding escalation, and refraining from actions that threaten the supplier (in this case, Israel).
While energy was once a vulnerability for Israel, it now serves as a tool for influence. That influence reinforces the regional alliances we have previously discussed in this video series. The second pillar of this enduring position of strength is Israeli defense exports—a topic we have covered in recent videos. Germany purchased the Israeli Arrow missile defense system for approximately $6.5 billion; this marks the largest defense export deal in Israel's history. And it didn't stop there; purchases of other technologies followed in the weeks that ensued. To fully grasp the significance of this, one must look beyond the mere sale of hardware. It is not simply a transfer of equipment where the customer walks away after the purchase. Such a deal entails the integration of Israeli technology and cooperation within the defense architecture of a major European power. The Arrow system in Germany will shape European air defense doctrine for decades to come. The same logic applies to Greece’s $4.1 billion purchase of Israeli air defense and artillery systems for the 'Achilles Shield' project.
You see, countries do not make these kinds of purchases lightly. They do so when they trust the judgment of the state that developed the system. Israel’s battlefield experience, technological edge, and operational pragmatism have evolved into valuable strategic assets for exports. In this way, influence transforms into lasting resilience. Let us now compare the figures we have just discussed. We were looking at the financial flows involved in these deals: the gas agreement with Egypt and these defense contracts. As previously mentioned, US military aid to Israel amounts to approximately $3.8 billion annually. This amounts to roughly 11% of Israel’s pre-October 7 defense budget; that percentage has since dropped because Israel has significantly increased its defense spending following October 7. So: $3.8 billion. Keep that figure in mind. The deal with Germany for the sale of the Arrow missile defense system is equivalent to nearly two full years of US aid to Israel. And Greece’s $4.1 billion purchase exceeds the amount of a full year of US aid. These are just two deals concluded in the past month. The gas deal with Egypt alone is equivalent to about ten years of US military aid.
Let us now place these figures in a historical perspective. In 1979—when US aid to Israel began on a large scale in the wake of the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt, with President Jimmy Carter compensating the Israelis for their withdrawal from the Sinai Peninsula—US aid to Israel amounted to 19% of Israel's GDP. Just consider that: nearly one-fifth of Israel's GDP consisted of US aid. By 1995, that figure had dropped to approximately 5.7%, and by 2024, to 0.7%. Think about that: it fell from 19% in 1979 to less than 1% in 2024. And even that 0.7% excludes the defense and energy sector deals I just mentioned that took place in 2025. A decline in US aid does not mean Israel wishes to sever ties with the United States. It simply means that Israel will no longer be structurally dependent on US aid. And in the current political climate—especially now that "America First" is the rising political trend in the US—that is entirely appropriate.
America is grappling with an exploding budget deficit and should not be spending so much money on foreign affairs; moreover, an increasing number of Americans believe that no more money should go toward foreign aid. In the current political climate, this carries significant weight. What was once a source of support for Israel has increasingly become a burden. It has been deployed as a political weapon. It has become the subject of unhealthy public debate and is used to exert various forms of pressure that hinder Israel's independence. Israel understands this and is adjusting its policies accordingly. This explains recent reports that former Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer was quietly working on a long-term plan to phase out US military aid to Israel. Prime Minister Netanyahu has also openly stated this in recent weeks. Just look: I want to phase out military aid over the next ten years. That would represent a huge shift. As you say, we have received US military aid worth $3.8 billion annually. We value that highly. During my visit to President Trump, I said that we greatly appreciate the military aid America has provided us over the years. But we, too, have come of age and developed enormous capabilities; our economy will reach the trillion-dollar mark within ten years. It is not a gigantic economy, but certainly not a small one either. That is why I want to phase out military aid over the next ten years. That does not mean I do not want to keep fighting for the loyalty and support of the American people. I certainly do. You would be crazy not to. It is deeply rooted. You want to reduce it to zero within ten years? Yes. The logic is simple and reflects maturity.
The alliance between Israel and the United States grows stronger, not weaker, when based on partnership rather than necessity. Reducing support does not weaken cooperation; it normalizes it. Israel will still share intelligence. It will still co-develop systems with the United States. It will continue to align its strategy. It will still uphold American interests in the region. But it will do so as a state capable of saying 'no' without fearing collapse. This is not ingratitude. It is not a severing of ties. It is sovereignty.
Israel does not look like a great power in the traditional sense of the word. That is true. It does not occupy territory. It does not impose its ideology on others. And it does not demand loyalty from vassal states. Instead, Israel shapes its environment. It controls the airspace where it matters. It deprives rivals of the ability to constrain it. It preemptively addresses emerging threats based on capabilities, rather than adopting a defensive posture. It supplies energy and security to other countries that depend on them. And, of course, it draws red lines based on its own interests—and enforces them. That is what a regional great power looks like. As I have emphasized throughout this video series, this is the central question revealed by Israel's growing regional power: who controls security? In Syria, Israel answered that from the air. In Gaza, it did so on the ground. And in the Eastern Mediterranean, Israel provided an answer as a central player in the alliance with Greece and Cyprus. Now, Israel is answering in the economic and
industrial spheres as well, through energy and defense deals. Israel no longer asks who grants permission to act. It determines for itself who gets to shape the Middle East and who does not. Israel’s rise to regional power status is unfolding quietly. It does not announce itself with slogans or declarations; it happens through pipelines, radar systems, air superiority, and enforced security red lines. Turkey understands this. Greece understands this. Germany understands this. Egypt understands this. The region is restructuring itself. And Israel is no longer merely reacting to this. It no longer responds to others; it stands at the very center of these changes. Israel is not merely surviving in the Middle East; it is shaping it.
Video # 7 : Israel’s Economy Explodes To #1 In The World! Part 7
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Today, I want to share something with you that I find truly remarkable—and I choose that word very carefully. It is remarkable. There is an Israeli economist—a very prominent one named Shlomo Ma—who recently gave an interview on Israeli cable television. I watched it, and he made a statement that sounded almost unbelievable to me, given everything Israel has been through—and is still going through—regarding security. He said that Israel is currently—these are his words—the strongest economy in the world among developed Western nations. The strongest; not just a country that is holding its own. When I heard that, I found it hard to believe. And I know what you’re thinking: two years of war, hundreds of thousands of reservists called up and their economic lives disrupted. The tourism sector has all but collapsed. How is it possible for Israel to have the strongest economy in the world among developed nations?
What was Shlomo talking about? Because I was so surprised by this statement, I decided to look into some of the indicators he briefly mentioned. I wanted to examine the actual data. And that is what I want to share with you. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is the global body that tracks and analyzes the economies of every country in the world. They measure something called GDP per capita. You hear that term constantly: GDP per capita. GDP stands for Gross Domestic Product. That is the total value of everything a country produces—everything an economy generates: goods, services, everything. "Per capita" simply means "per person." So, GDP per capita is essentially the average share of economic output per inhabitant. It is the standard method economists use to compare the prosperity of a country's population with that of other nations. Israel’s GDP per capita currently stands at over $69,000. This places Israel thirteenth globally—ahead of the United Kingdom, France, and Japan. Now, ranking thirteenth in GDP per capita doesn't make it the strongest economy in the world, but the Israeli economy is growing. We will return to that shortly.
The countries I just mentioned—and which Israel has now surpassed in terms of GDP per capita—have long been prosperous industrial powers; some for centuries. Israel only became a state in 1948. And it is not just about Israel’s current position, but also the direction in which the country is heading. The Israeli economy is projected to grow by 4.4% in 2026. That means the economy as a whole is growing by 4.4%. 4.4%. That is a massive figure. To understand just how remarkable that is, we need to look at the G7: the informal group of the world's seven largest and most powerful economies. The United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Canada, and Japan. These are the countries that effectively set the course for the global economy. Their economies are growing by an average of about 1% to 2% this year.
1% to 2%. Israel—a country with fewer than 10 million inhabitants that is in the midst of a war—is growing faster than all of these nations. In fact, it is growing twice as fast, or even faster, than most of them. The Tel Aviv Stock Exchange has risen by approximately 20% since the beginning of this year, building on 51% growth in 2025. A 51% rise in the stock market. A rising stock market is not just good news for investors; it is a sign that companies are profitable, that people have confidence in the economic future, and that capital is flowing in from abroad. The fact that the Israeli market is growing so strongly during a war speaks volumes as well.
Let us now turn to the currency: the Israeli shekel. The shekel has appreciated by nearly 7% against the dollar this year. Simply put, this means the Israeli currency is worth more against the US currency than it was at the start of the year. This indicates that global markets have confidence in Israel's economic stability. Israel’s national debt stands at approximately 70% of its GDP. That figure requires context and explanation, so let us take a moment to look at it. Every country borrows money to meet its needs, and economists monitor the relationship between debt and GDP. The debt-to-GDP ratio—debt measured against the size of the economy—serves as a gauge of a country's financial health. Naturally, every country carries debt, as borrowing is a constant practice. Debt in itself is not a sign of financial weakness, but the debt-to-GDP ratio does provide insight into financial health. The lower the ratio, the more policy flexibility a country has and the healthier its economy is. The G7 average is above 123%. The United States is well above that figure, whereas Israel stands at 70%. Relative to its size, the country has far less debt than the world's wealthiest nations; this means it possesses greater financial flexibility and is on a much more sustainable path. The OECD—the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, essentially the club of the world's 38 most developed economies—has published a comprehensive economic report on Israel. It concludes that the resilience of the Israeli economy (to paraphrase their words) stems from sound pre-war fiscal policy, a stable financial system, and what they term a "vibrant high-tech sector." Their forecasts predict that the Israeli economy will grow by nearly 5% in 2026. By comparison, the global average is below 3%. And all this is happening during a war. Just let that sink in. In that interview, Shlomo also drew a very interesting comparison. He contrasted the situation in Iran with that in Israel, seeing almost a mirror image. Let’s take a moment to consider that.
Iran, he stated, is heading toward economic collapse. There is no water, no electricity, and no functioning financial system. The country is cut off from the global banking system used for cross-border trade; as a result, even normal international commerce is impossible. And Trump’s sanctions—economic measures designed to deprive Iran of the ability to generate revenue—are costing the country an estimated $400 million a day. That figure includes the impact of the blockade. However, Iran has always found ways to circumvent the rules. For instance, there is a well-documented history of Turkey purchasing gold on Iran’s behalf to help the country evade sanctions. Indeed, Turkey has been helping Iran bypass sanctions for years. As early as 2012 and 2013, after Iran was cut off from the international banking system, a Turkish state-owned bank facilitated an arrangement in which Iran sold oil and gas to Turkey, received payment in Turkish lira, and then used that currency to buy gold on the Turkish market and physically export it. This was the method by which Turkey supplied them with gold. The Turkish Deputy Prime Minister even publicly admitted to this at the time. Through this scheme, an estimated $13 billion worth of gold flowed to Iran; it led to a major criminal case in the United States involving the arrest of a Turkish-Iranian gold trader who—after cooperating with authorities—leveled accusations that implicated Erdogan himself.
This is a digression, but it illustrates just how resourceful Iran is in finding such workarounds when sanctions are imposed. Perhaps they are finding new workarounds right now. Who knows? But the net is closing in on Iran. And there is a limit to how long you can prop up an economy using these kinds of arrangements. But anyway, back to Israel. While this situation was unfolding in Iran, Israel concluded a natural gas deal worth $35 billion with Egypt in late 2025. Germany is purchasing billions’ worth of Israeli defense technology; I estimate they spent between $8 billion and $10 billion on it over the past six months.
Greece has acquired $4 billion worth of Israeli air defense systems and weaponry. And then there are the two major acquisitions that have taken place recently. Both involved Israeli companies. Google acquired the Israeli cybersecurity firm “Whiz” for $32 billion—the largest acquisition in Google’s history and the biggest “exit” ever for the Israeli tech sector. Meanwhile, “Palo Alto Networks” acquired another Israeli cybersecurity company, “Cyber Arc,” for $25 billion; this was the largest deal in the history of the cybersecurity industry. Both transactions were finalized in early 2026, right in the middle of a war. Just think about what that implies.
The biggest players in the global technology sector looked at Israel—a country under fire, with soldiers in the field, wailing sirens, and incoming rockets—and said, "We want to be part of that economy." If you’ve been following this channel for a while, you know I created a six-part series. You can find it in the playlists under the title 'Superpower'. In that series, I explained how Israel evolved into a regional power. What economist Schlomo Ma describes from an economic perspective is essentially the financial side of the story I told in that series. We’re actually going to add this video to that playlist, turning it into a seven-part series. I want to draw the connections here, because the economic and geopolitical narratives are really one and the same. So, I’m going to discuss some crucial details regarding Israel’s rise to becoming a major power.
Just consider what Israel has built up over the past two years while simultaneously waging a war. There are all the economic indicators I have already shared with you in this video. In addition, there are the strategic steps taken to the west of Israel: the deepening of the strategic alliance with Greece and Cyprus. This is not merely a warm relationship between neighbors; it is a formal security framework sometimes referred to as the "3+1." That name refers to the cooperation between Israel, Greece, and Cyprus in the region, acting as a bloc alongside the United States. Within that partnership, Israel serves as the leading partner locally regarding regional security capabilities. As mentioned, Greece has purchased over $4 billion worth of Israeli air defense systems and weaponry. It is not just about acquiring hardware; when you buy Israeli air defense systems, you integrate into the Israeli air defense network. That constitutes a strategic relationship, not merely a purchase. And then, to the east of Israel, there is the I2U2 grouping: Israel, India, the UAE, and the United States. India is a country of 1.5 billion people, and Israel is hugely popular there. When Indian leader Narendra Modi visited Israel in February—just days before the war with Iran—the two countries signed 16 formal agreements and launched 11 joint initiatives covering AI, cybersecurity, defense technology, agriculture, trade, and more. They elevated their relationship to the level of a special strategic partnership, including a free trade agreement that is currently under active negotiation. At the heart of that relationship lies the so-called "IMC Corridor": the economic corridor linking India, the Middle East, and Europe. I have discussed this often on this channel. This is the United States' answer to China's 'Belt and Road' initiative, which aims to create a land bridge from the East to Europe. China is building an overland trade route connecting it to Europe via Iran and Turkey—both of which are Chinese allies. The American response is a competing corridor running from India through the UAE and Israel to Cyprus, Greece, and ultimately Europe, bypassing Iran, Turkey, and all other problematic actors in the region. Israel is the linchpin here; it is the point in the corridor where the Middle East connects to Europe. That is no small matter. It means a country is positioning itself at the heart of the next generation of global trade, and doing so for the benefit of India—one of the most populous and powerful nations in the world. Meanwhile, Israel has been quietly working on a security architecture in East Africa by forging defense ties with Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia, and, of course, Somaliland—which Israel has recognized as an independent state. These are not isolated headlines; there is a clear pattern. We are talking about Christian-majority nations facing jihadist threats; they have assessed the global situation and decided which side they want to be on. Israel is emerging as their security anchor and protector in the realm of defense. Then there are the aforementioned defense exports to Europe. Germany is purchasing between $6 billion and $10 billion worth of Israeli defense technology, including air defense systems, weaponry, and military hardware. Bear in mind that, for a long time after World War II, Germany refused to build a full-fledged military. The fact that Germany is now turning to Israel—willing to invest heavily and declaring, "We need what you have"—speaks volumes about the position Israel holds. Now, the interview with Shlomo focused on economic figures, but those figures do not stand in isolation. Countries are seeking closer ties with Israel because it has proven itself on every level of the battlefield with its technology—technology that ranks among the best in the world—and because its strategic position is becoming increasingly central to the restructuring of the global order, and the Middle East in particular. The economy reflects all of this. When the world's largest tech companies acquire Israeli firms for tens of billions of dollars, and global powers purchase Israeli weapons and utilize Israeli security systems, the rising stock price effectively acts as a scoreboard indicating the magnitude of the victory. It offers an indication of what is truly happening beneath the surface—under the hood—of the Israeli economy. I have long maintained that Israel is evolving into a regional power; what Shlomo describes—that Israel possesses the strongest and healthiest economy in the world—represents the economic dimension of that ascent to regional power status. Why is this so important? Not merely as an interesting news item, but for a far deeper reason. Let us zoom out and look at the bigger picture. We live in an era where the image of Israel in the mainstream media is dominated by narratives of isolation, condemnation, and pariah status. Yet, when we look at what is actually happening at the level of nation-states, we see a different picture: countries are seeking closer ties with Israel, companies are investing there, and the Israeli economy is flourishing like never before. There is a verse in Deuteronomy that reads: "For you are a holy people to God." Jewish sages explain that the word "Kadosh" (holy) carries the meaning of "set apart" or "separated for a higher purpose." This implies that Israel was always destined to stand apart. The story of the Jewish people has never been comparable to that of any other nation. We are distinct; we are different. So, when the world claims that Israel is becoming isolated and collapsing—even as the stock market hits record highs and foreign investment pours in—something much larger is clearly at play. Moses also issued a warning worth noting. He posited that if interest rates remain high and the shekel continues to appreciate, the outcome could—ironically—be detrimental. The high-tech sector, in particular, could suffer as a result. Here is how it works: interest rates essentially represent the price of money—or the cost of borrowing it. It is what banks charge for lending money, and companies are the primary borrowers. Consequently, when interest rates are high, it becomes more expensive for companies to borrow funds and expand. However, the issue regarding the shekel is more specific. Let me explain. Most Israeli high-tech companies sell their products and services globally and are paid in dollars. Investment capital arriving from abroad is also received in dollars. Their revenues, therefore, are denominated in dollars. Imagine you are an Israeli tech company that has just closed a deal worth, say, one million dollars. A year ago, that million dollars was worth around 3.5 million shekels. Today, that same million dollars yields far less—under 3 million shekels—due to the strength of the shekel. Your dollar-denominated revenue has remained the same, but your actual purchasing power in Israel—where you spend money on staff, rent, suppliers, and the like—has declined because the shekel is so strong. When you consider this across hundreds of companies and tens of thousands of employees, it becomes clear that a strong shekel puts pressure on the high-tech sector, while high interest rates make it harder to offset that shortfall by borrowing money. And the high-tech sector is currently the true engine of the Israeli economy; it is the sector that keeps the economy running.
About 410,000 people work in the high-tech sector, accounting for a disproportionately large share of the country's total economic output. This is, therefore, something we need to monitor closely. But looking at the big picture: Israel has emerged from more than two years of war stronger than almost any other country in the world. Economically stronger and more stable than almost any other nation. That is not a sanitized version of reality; that is the reality. I am referring here to the IMF, the OECD—the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development—and other major international economic bodies, as well as the markets themselves; they all send us the same signal.
This is what I wanted to share with you today as we head into summer and reflect on what the future holds for Israel. When we look at the victories Israel is achieving—both on the battlefield and in the diplomatic arena—and observe its global performance, we must also consider the economy and the wider world. Although antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment are indeed rife on social media, when we look at the behavior of multinationals, investment capital, and governments, we see that Israel has grown into a regional powerhouse. Economically, the country is rising and ranks among the strongest economies—perhaps even, if Schlomo is right, the strongest and healthiest economy in the world within the group of developed Western nations.
Our conclusion
After listening to and hearing what Pesach Wolicki aims to convey to the world through these seven videos, we conclude that there can be no doubt today that "Adonai Elohim"—the Lord God—has indeed protected and blessed Israel; yet the world refuses to acknowledge this, preferring instead to condemn and accuse Israel based on its own humanitarian perspective, blinded by ignorance and refusing to view matters through God’s eyes (11UK), because they choose to serve a different god—one that will plunge them into impending calamity by leading them to believe in lies and delusions. The choice of which side to take is yours, for it is written that those who pray for the peace of Jerusalem will themselves be blessed (Psalm 122:6).
